Considering the necessity of more understanding of the ninth government’s purposes in domestic and particularly foreign policies, the Center for Scientific Research and Middle East Strategic Studies held a roundtable on October 5, 2006 to discuss the ninth government’s purposes and the principles of foreign policy. As the guest-speaker, Dr. Manouchehr mottaki, Iran’s Foreign Minister, delivered a lecture. By mentioning the developments of the international system from the Second World War until the present time, he noted at start that we witness the rise of American unilateralism and the domination of the Security Council of the UN over General Assembly since the 1980s. He mentioned that two events led the United States more determined to pursue unilateralism: the demise of the Soviet Union and the event of September 11. Dr. Mottaki discussed that many developing states in Asia, Africa, Middle East and Latin America while interested to engage the global economic system desired to seek ways and means for differentiating economic interactions from political dependence. He expressed that in response to the US unilateralism and unfair international system, the ninth government of Iran has also sought a new approach in Iran’s standing with the Western world based on the teachings of the Islamic Revolution and the Late Leader of the Revolution. He maintained some of the initiatives of the ninth government in the foreign policy domain including encouraging further activities of the Organization of Islamic Conference, greater regionalism, utilizing the symbolism of Non-Aligned Movement and the expansion of relations with countries of similar global concern. Dr. Mottaki also noted the efforts of the ninth government to diversify its foreign policy by actively engaging itself in international organizations and aligning with countries that oppose unilateralism. On this base, 118 members of the Non-Aligned Movement fully supported the peaceful nuclear policy of Iran. At the end, he mentioned the efforts of the ninth government to diversify its international relations and defend its national interests and national security. In the question and answer section, some Iranian professors and scholars raised some questions that were answered by Dr. Mottaki. Professor Mahmood Sariolghalam acted as the moderater in this roundtable.
It is evident that every government that takes over the executive branch of a country through an electoral process begins its governing through an agenda. It is also vivid that the agenda will be based on a number of premises, assumptions and strategies. In all countries where there are elections and that power rotates between contending groups, new directions of thinking and policy on the basis of the majority that has voted the government into power takes place. The ninth administration or government in the Islamic Republic of Iran is no exception to this rule. Notwithstanding the fact that the ninth government follows the principles of the Islamic Revolution and formulates its policies on the values set by the Islamic Republic, yet the approach adopted by this government is in accordance with the developments of the global system. Moreover, the approach taken up by this government is a reflection of the assessments concluded by the experience of the previous governments in the last sixteen years. Within this framework then, it is necessary that I outline the interpretations of the ninth government in Iran of the global patterns and the international structure. Such analysis will then set the criteria to make assessments of the ninth government in the last one year. The post second World War international system was clearly a bipolar structure and if we adopt the categorization of Morton Kaplan, this international system moved from a tight bipolar system in the 1950s to a loose system in the latter part of the 1960s. Yet in this bipolar system, there were spaces for those nations motivated by political independence in all areas of the world to benefit from regional and international potential resources to advance their national interests.
political conditions in the 1960s and the 1970s were ripe for the General Assembly of the United Nations to play a determining role in promoting the views and the interests of diverse nations independent of the two global powers. One can even argue that in these decades, the General Assembly was in parity to the Security Council of the United Nations. Of course, we can all argue whether the General Assembly succeeded in fulfilling its promises and resolutions. The fact that the newly independent countries of the world and also medium level regional powers had the political space to maneuver and shape coalitions of their own was a significant international asset in the service of global diversity. This so called “third Wave of Power” also found credibility in the Non-Aligned Movement. This third space became prevalent as a new thinking independent of the two superpowers and a globe dominated by two competing systems. In fact, the non-aligned movement was the natural consequence of the anti colonization movement and a desire to be able to exert third worldism. It became apparent then that countries who neither had ideological belongingness to the West nor any political leaning to the East, benefited from the opportunity to pursue their own political organization, economic style of management and new directions in foreign policy.
However, political conditions in the 1980s changed drastically. The Security Council of the United Nations dominated the General Assembly. Economic globalization forced many developing countries to reach out to the global economy and adapt themselves to the political requirements of economic growth. The Soviet Union faced philosophical and practical contradictions as well as structural deficiencies and the beginnings of American unilateralism gradually emerged. In the Muslim world, the phenomenon of the Islamic Revolution of Iran introduced a new approach to maintaining political sovereignty and social management after the defeat of social and nationalism. At least in the Muslim world, Islamic thinking put forth a paradigm for the purposes of maintaining distance from global powers and capitalist domination. In the meantime, the invasion of Iran and Kuwait, the two neighboring countries of Iraq by the regime of Saddam Hussein facilitated the expansion of global presence in the Middle East and the Persian Gulf regions. Ultimately, the demise of the Soviet Union introduced and created new challenges for the developing countries. Regrettably, in the 1990s, the non-aligned movement lost much of its impetus and political assertiveness. Americans sought to define themselves in the advent of the Soviet downfall. The failure of the USSR provided the West both as a geography as well as a worldview o seek unilateral global domination. Many developing countries in Asia, Africa, Middle East and Latin America while interested to engage the global economic system desired to keep distance from the great powers. These nations strived to seek ways and means for differentiating economic interactions from political dependence. During this decade, hundreds of roundtables and conferences around the world discussed the optimum nature of the global system in the aftermath of the Soviet Union. The global rise of China, Russia and India added to the intricacies of the global system. While these powerful countries remained interested to be unique and maintain their maneuverability, they also confronted with challenges in managing economic grwoth and foreign policy simultaneously.
The events of September 11 were a breaking point that ultimately led the United States more determined to pursue unilateralism. We still remain skeptical and suspicious of the nature and the origins of these events. Unfortunately, the world that was shaped after these events was a world singularly dominated by security issues. One remains thankful that the Taliban and the Saddam regimes were toppled. However, after three years of foreign intervention in the Middle East, we now witness the collapse of American unilateralism and the defeat of its policies. Not only in the Muslim world but also in much of the world including Europe, public opinion is clearly anti-American. The ninth government in Iran took over the executive branch at a time when Iran’s extensive interactions and negotiations with the Western countries over a span of 16 years entered a new phase. The experience of Iran during this period demonstrates that despite much discussions and Tehran’s willingness to compromise in some areas, Western accusations of Iran continued. In a country where after many centuries of despotism, a revolution had taken place and republicanism was its mechanism of governance, the West still maintained a policy of regime change. The United States still did not recognize the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic of Iran; a country whose ideological and political influence that spreads from North Africa to Indonesia. In short, the aforementioned dialogue and interaction did not impede the West to revise its claims and accusations against the Islamic Republic and establish a working relationship on a new agenda. It is within this context that the ninth government of Iran has sought a new approach in Iran’s standing with the Western world based on the teachings of the Islamic Revolution and the Late Leader of the Revolution. Because of the inherent distrust of Iranian leaders of the West, a revision of Iranian foreign policy has become essential. Towards this end, encouraging further activities of the Organization of Islamic Conference, greater regionalism, utilizing the symbolism of the non-aligned movement and the expansion of relations with countries of similar global concerns are some of the initiatives of the ninth government. Only within the last one year, a serious process of political activism in the non-aligned movement against unilateralism is in evidence. This process can be witnessed in the meetings of the non-aligned movement in Vienna, South Africa, Malaysia and recently in Havana and the General Assembly of the United Nations. We have also seen the new activism of the Arab League and the Organization of Islamic Conference in protesting American interventionism and Western violence. It is unfortunate that the West in its interactions with the developing countries in general and the Islamic Republic of Iran in particular pursues the aim of their total submission. Double standards and contradictory views with the democratic victory of Hamas in Palestine and Hizbollah in Lebanon are a reflection of hegemonic policies towards the Muslim world. A policy that sharply divides countries into friend or enemy is not a rational process of interactions in international relations. Just like any other country, the Islamic Republic of Iran is in pursuit of its interests and since it desires to stand sovereign, she is not accepted by the West.
Iran adopts a critical view of international organizations. We believe after sixty years of UN activity, a pathological approach needs to be launched towards this international body for the purposes of seeking the national interests of all countries. We support the addition of new permanent members in the Security Council of the United Nations. It is our understanding that the international system has undergone substantial changes and that the diversity of power in this system needs to be observed in the process of participation and decision making of the United Nations. Other world institutions particularly economic institutions also need to be revised so that the interests of the developing world and medium level powers can be recognized. In the last one year, the Islamic Republic of Iran has initiated efforts to diversify its foreign policy by actively engaging itself in international organizations and aligning with countries that oppose unilateralism. It is our view that it is not logical for three, four or five countries to equate their concerns as the concerns of the international community and their particular interests as the interests of the international community. In the Havana meetings of the non-aligned movement few weeks ago, some 118 countries fully supported the peaceful nuclear policy of Iran. This can not solely be interpreted as a vote for Iran but rather a dissenting voice against unilateralism. The ninth government of the Islamic Republic in its both domestic and foreign policies concentrates on two pillars: justice and spirituality. The justice stocks, structural revisions in the banking system, greater economic opportunities for the citizens, the implementation of the article 44 of the Constitution and policies of distribution are some of the items in the domestic agenda. Such egalitarian outlook is also pursued in Iran’s foreign policy. We believe that opposing the monopolization of power, apolitical approaches to natural resources and the adoption of indiscriminate approaches to the values and desires of different nations can serve to increase levels of security around the world. It is unfortunate however that the dominant thinking in the world today reflects that of Thomas Hobbes. Those who have greater wealth enjoy greater rights and all others are subordinates. It may be undeniable that the Western countries may act in accordance to rules and regulations inside their domestic structures but it is clear that such legal approaches are not practices in their international conduct. The lack of significance of international law has obliged the Islamic Republic to seek partners for the ultimate pursuit of justice and egalitarianism in the international system. We hope that we can convince those who enjoy greater power that such power brings along greater responsibility. Powerful countries can not engage in conflict resolution through aggressive measures and the use of threatening vocabulary. Presently however, the West unfortunately does not uphold the responsibility ensuing its actions and behavior at the international level.
The Islamic Republic believes in the binding between justice and security. Undoubtedly, without economic justice one can not hope to produce social and political justice. Once this connection is made, then true security can be accomplished. Iran’s nuclear policy an also be interpreted as a relationship between justice and security. According to recent statistics, Iran’s population will reach one hundred million around 2018. The overwhelming majority of this population will be young in search of job security and social opportunities. As many countries around the globe seek to diversify their energy resources, the government of Iran is also pursuing such a policy. Therefore, it is not logical that some governments continue to deny Iran’s basic rights. Over the last year, the ninth government has engaged in efforts in confidence building measures. We have always been interested to negotiate and have acted according to the NPT framework. As the experience of the last few years demonstrate, a security and a politicized approach to Iran’s nuclear program will only protract the negotiations and cause oscillations and crises. We now have the support of a large umber of developing countries in our nuclear program. This displays a unique success for the ninth government of Iran. We have begun to fully explain to our neighbors the peaceful nature of Iran’s nuclear program. As we will continue to negotiate with our partners, we stand ready to defend our national interests.
In conclusion, I should point out that the foreign policy of the ninth government with a principle of diversification of its international relations seeks to defend its national interests and national security through reinforcing the egalitarian discourse, increasing the effectiveness of the role of concerned countries to create a just world, rationally opposing unilateralism and mobilizing the resources of the non-aligned movement and countries with similar concerns. In this regard, we believe there are substantial regional and international resources to be exploited. Our analysis indicates that many countries disagree with the tenets of unilateralism and Western domination of the global economy. The coalition of these forces in bilateral and multilateral settings as well as the mobilization of international organizations can bring along significant changes in the international system. We believe with the rise of regional powers in Asia, Latin America and independence-driven movements among Muslims, the international system will strive to be a multi-polar structure. This multi-polarity will serve the interests of nations, will help the distribution of economic resources and will expand the domain of justice. I thank you for your patience and I am happy to have a dialogue with you and open the Q&A session.
Q: The question relates to Iran’s policy more specifically ‘’Look to the East Policy.’’ Can you outline that policy for us? President Ahmadinejad in the early days of his administration talked about this policy. What are the basic concepts of such a policy? Also, I want to refer to Iran’s willing to become a member of the Shanghi Cooperation Organization (SCO). This will be the first such membership for Iran to enter the security regional arrangement.
A: ‘’Look to the East,’’ is a significant aspect of Iran’s foreign policy after the victory of the Revolution. It has been specially stressed by the ninth administration. As my appreciation, the Asia has the most number of people in the world. Also, the Asian countries have taken huge steps to provide better welfare for their people and greater development for their countries. Also, there is a close similarity between Iranian culture and the Asian culture. At the moment, more than 40 percent of Iran’s foreign trade is carried with these countries. There is a huge potential for working with Asia. We have 30 billion dollars of trade with four countries of China, Japan, India and South Korea out of one hundred billion dollars of trade that we have with the rest of the world. Therefore, all these have to be considered. I agree with what gentleman said. I so believe with Iran’s presence in the Shangi Cooperation Organization (SCO). This organization can utilize the capacity which Iran has for providing and helping the Asian security. At the same time, it can provide certain security than peace for the Islamic Republic of Iran. At the moment, we have observer stages in the organization. We are going to become full member of this organization. Therefore (Consequently), ‘’Look to the East Policy’’ means the expansion of the relations with developing countries more specifically in this part of the world. In this context, there are two significant regions as well: Africa and Latin America. We also consider (regard) them.
Q: My question is about Foreign Policy Council which has been recently established by the order of the Great Leader of the Revolution. What is the reason of the establishment of this Council? Are we to believe that the Great Leader of the Revolution was dissatisfied with the workings of Ministry of Foreign Affairs? That is why he asked for the organization of that Council. And how do you interact with that Council? Also, who is in charge of Iran’s foreign policy? Who makes decision? Which process leads to the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran? One of the reasons that I asked you this question is because of my interactions and talks with our overseas friends also a number of the diplomatic crops do not have a clear idea how this works. If you explain more, I think all of us will benefit.
A: When I had been put for as a possible minister of foreign affairs, I defended my programs in the Majlis. At the time, I proposed the establishment of such Council. When I met the Great Leader of the Revolution, he said that the idea of the establishment of this Council is a very good idea. The Council of Foreign Relations has made up of universities professors, a number of representations and also a number of commanders from different parts of the arm forces also the deputies of Ministry of Foreign Affairs. All together, thirty people serve in that Council and the function of the Council is to talk about, to debate and to propose the ideas that relate the various workings and the policies of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs. The Council of Foreign Relations which Dr. Kharreazi is in the chair of the Council was established on the order of the Great Leader of the Revolution. The Council is supposed to poses (proposes) a new approach regarding the macro foreign policy’s country. It can access the capabilities of all think-tanks in this country and also the capabilities of all ministries. The Council is made up of four sub-committees on foreign affairs, economic affairs, security matters and cultural issues. Last night, in an invitation by Dr. Kharrazi, the Ministers of Foreign Affairs, Intelligence, Economy, the Interior, the chair of the Management and Planning Organization, the Minister of Culture and Islamic Guidance and the chairs of sub-committees had a joint meeting. In that meeting, they talked about and debated how different organizations and ministers can help with the implementation of country’s policies and also to provide information to the public in much better position. Also, the council is charged with processing information and data. All these later come together. Once these data are processed, they will be incorporated into a new policy. Then policies are directed to recommendations. Recommendations also will be submitted the Great Leader of the Revolution. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs, the High Council for National Security, the President and also the Great Leader of the Revolution are the four significant and influential resources that work together to give foreign policies. The Ministry of Foreign Affairs is involved from the first step of this process which is the gathering data, the gathering information to the last stage of this process that is a draft of new foreign policies.
Q: Slogans of the ninth administration are peace, justice, spirituality and also detente or reduction of tensions. When we regard the policies of the new administration, we see that there are two items relating to regionalism (regionism) and eight items relating to globalism (global matters). All items come together in the context of the foreign policy which we are hoping to achieve them. Also, I have to refer Iran’s 20-Year Prospective Document (Iran’s 20-Year Vision Plan). According to it, Iran is supposed to be the number one power in this part of the world by 1404. This administration of the state will be for four years in power. So we have 19 years left for that data. What have you done? Indeed, what can we do to implement the ideas that exist in this document? This document and these activities are not like the articles of the constitution. They are very tangible and practical. The purposes which have been mentioned in the document have a pragmatical nature. We have to implement them in the next four years. So what are you doing?
Q: On the one hand you talked about realistic activities of Iran on the international relations, on the other the ninth administration says that its unavoidable concerns are justice and spirituality. According to realistic approach, we involve in different arrangements and parties including 5+1 (five plus one) on Iran’s nuclear energy program. Of course, we have ideals. So, how can you Mr. Minister reconcile a practical side with a more idealistic side?
A: So far I have talked about the problems that exist in interactions with the West but I think it’s time to talk about the benefits of working with the West. We have relations with all countries. Firstly, we have bilateral relations with every member of the international community. Secondly, we have relations with the region’s states. Greater, international interactions. The cultural, economic and political relations are various dimensions which are connected eachother. They come together to form a holistic picture of the foreign policy. So with that mind, we are attempting to define a new approach for other missions in other countries. The interactions of political, economic and cultural ministers in the past year, posed a new atmosphere in the foreign policy. It is very important to appreciate that a political relationship which does not foster the legal economic collaberation or a very good cultural relationship which does not lead to further promotion of the economic and political collaboration with the countries of international system is not an integral part. I can tell you that the Ministers of Oil, Economic Affairs and Ministry of Culture and Islamic Guidance have never had such a close relationship and interaction as they have right now. For the first time, there is a new phenomenon. For the first time, this year, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs is planning to announce its policies to the relevant ministries. These policies relate to different geographical regions and each country. We are incorporating economic, commercial, various projects, investment opportunities and actual investment into our policies. That attitude and this new program will come together and make it possible for the Islamic Republic of Iran to determine the direction of this country’s relations and the promotion (to promote) of the relations with other countries in the world. When Iran becomes the first power in the region, it is an added-value (an added-potential) that all neighbours and all regional countries will benefit. Indeed, we will have greater Middle-East of participation and collaberation. I am very pleased to say that today, in this part of the world, different political and security arrangements have come to appreciate that Iran has something important to say. Iran can cooperate with other region’s countries in proposing (designing) the appropriate strategies. Also, Iran should be regarded as pivotal important country in the region. We do not subscribe to Mr. Habz’ point of view that power and wealth are the sources of might. We believe that the power comes from responsibility. A question was asked from someone: Are you realistic or idealist? I am a realistic idealist. And my point of view, idealism is ‘’Look to God.’’ And when a person is in office, in my point of view, that person should reach the peack with a realistic approach. Indeed, he always looks God but he has to go (pass) through the straights and back alleys of reality. So if we fair, I believe that we can reconcile two different concepts of idealism and realism. We can make them to meet eachother.
Q: You talked about the relations with Africa and stressed on relations with Africa. Will you give us a promise that this is not just a tactic? Indeed, as long as we have differences with the West, it is seen this policy. So, are our relations with Africa subject to our differences with the West and the oil policy? Do you promise that it will not be changed? How long will this policy remain? Another question is about the type of relations with South Africa along with this country’s approach to international system. It is said that South Africa, in the past decades, has used the special facilities to turn itself a very regional power and expand its role in the world. And at the moment, they are attempting to become a permanent member of the UN Security Council. Do you think that we should use South Africa as a model?
A: In the ninth administration, we believe in the further promotion of relations with Africa. This does not derive from the acceptable or unacceptable relations with other countries and other parts of the world. We are attempting to promote our relations with Africa. In our own society, we are also posing new projects (opportunities) for more cooperation with Africa. These programs will be announced as soos as possible. I refer to China. They have rented thousands of hectares of Zimbabwe’s land from the government. They produce tobac in those parts of Zimbabwe’s land then they export these tobacs to China. We believe that such measurements secure both African people’s interests and other countries’ interests. I appreciate my friend’s concern. When we were debating about non-oil exports, you are correct that our non-oil exports very much is dependant on the oil. Actually, it was my subject of presentation, when I was serving as the ambassadar of my country to Japan, I participated in a conference in 1376 which was jointly organized by Japan and the Islamic Republic of Iran. In that conference, which was about the commercial relations between Iran and Japan, I delivered a paper. The paper was about ideas which enable further promotion of non-oil exports. We are expanding commercial links with African nations. My friend also referred to South Africa as an example and he also said that at the moment, they are involving in UN Security Council. Iran is also looking for an appropriate palce which would be consistent with its capabilities in the international community. For 2008, we have applied to become a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council. In the last meeting of the group of 15, we assumed the chair. At the moment, we have chair. After Havana, Africa and Egypt, Iran will become the chair of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM) and Tehran will host the summit conference. Decision will be taken in 2009 and the actual conference will be held in 2012. So, I agree with your point of view but we have our limitations. We can not overly spend to achieve that goal (to be a member of the UN Security Council). This is a very noble idea but the national interests of the country in different fields are always on first. So, the nuclear matter again is our concern. We believe that the policies of the West have to be changed. The Western governments have to abandon nuclaer aparthide. They should respect other nations’ rights to access peaceful nuclear energy. When I was serving as our ambassador to Japan, I remember that President Clinton visited China. When he came back home, the reporters asked the President this question: What agreements did you reach with China? He said that we agreed to be disagree in certain matters. So, when we are saying that we are interactive and when we reach agreement, it is not necessary for you to change your position just to reach an agreement.
Q: Next question is about the foreign policy of the Islamic Republic of Iran. You mentioned that the victory of the Islamic Revolution was the turning-point in Iran’s foreign relations. Also, you liken Iran’s foreign policy in the past sixteen years as the period of tolerance but the other administrations, before the ninth administration, have said that they have to bring about détente in Iran’s relations with other countries. They have worked to make clear the difference between the Taliban style Islam and the pure Mohammadian interpretation of Islam. So, what will be the legacy of the ninth government with that in minds? And also we talk about Iran’s tendency to working with East and the developing countries (‘’Look to the East Policy’’). How old are you going to continue the same foreign policy? Keeping in mind, there is a large part of international trade belongs to the Western countries. So with that in mind, what will you do in the future?
A: Also, there was a comparison by my friend between the policies of the ninth administration and the previous administrations. My friend said that I had referred to the previous administrations as ‘’the period of tolerence’’ while the statemen themselves referrred to the previous administrations as the time of detenete. I did not make a judgement about the approaches of Iran’s foreign policy which was conducted by the previous administrations. Rather, I referred to the feedback of these policies which were shown by the Western countries. The ninth government believes in peace, justice and international security greatly. We also believe detenete for reduction of tension. The ninth administration emphasizes at first the causes of tension and later omission of tension among nations in the world. Indeed, we have to correct Iran’s image because of the existence of the ambiguities on Iran (because of the existence of the existence of the ambiguities of some nations’attitude towards Iran). We announced the idea of ‘’Dialogue among civilazations.’’ Also, we opposed proponents of the idea of ‘’the Clash of Cultures’’ in order to prevent the international and regional conflicts. After the fall of the Soviet Union, the proponents of the idea of the ‘’Clash of Civilizations’’ are looking for the ‘’hypothetical enemy’’ in any part of the world. It is said that if a person is really asleep, you can try and wake him/her up. He will wake up but if a person is deliberately asleep, try with all your might. You will never be able to wake him/her up because he/she will never get up. We have to criticize the existence of the international system and also the organs of the sixteen year United Nations. We believe that the organs of the United Nations are loosing the effectiveness. The existing international system is unfair. We have to challenge this unfair system and same time we propose new ideas and rational programs for fundamental reforms of the UN. Consequently, all the measures together will provide an equal circumstances for different partners to discuss in a equitable manner and make a new world. We think why the West find a person of a country guilty of dicussing a historic event while they pretend to great advocating of freedom of conscience. We should give opportunity to discuss about various issues as freely possible as. Although may be it is wrong. Three point five years ago, the U.S. attacked Iraq regardless of the position and points of view’s the French, Russians and German. Today, they have reached to a cisis in Iraq. As a regional country which is very close to the region’s states and has a very deep unerstanding of the workings of the region, we state our views but our opinions have to be appreciated. I remeber that some years ago, terrorists bombed American mission in Nayroubi. The US government announced that it would give an award to the person who provides information about bombing. At that time, one of our Iranian officials visited a neighboring country. In that visit, he said that he thought the US should not provide money for the person who give information about that bombing. Instead, it is necesssary to constitute a group to find out the causes of attacks against the US in recent years. This group must investigate why so much disgust has been directed against the US in this part of the world. Americans actually carried this recommendation. A group was constituted by Mr. Kisinjer. This was covered by news. They worked for two months. Later the group was dissolved. I am guessing here that the results of the findings was not published. They are telling us that we should build confidence vis-a-vis the nuclear issue. As part of this, you must suspend the enrichment. So what will our response be? We respond by the same token ‘’do you think what we are doing right now is illegal?’’ As a thirty-six member of NPT, do you think that it is our real rights? And many other similar rational, logical questions.’’ They respond by the same token ‘’your words are logical but the international community has its concerns. We respond by the same token ‘’the international community has one hundred and twenty countries which have gathered a forum. They announced that it is Iran’s right and the solution is to conduct negotiations.’’ If a party has to build confidence and greater levels of trust, honestly we believe that you should build confidence. You have created two great wars in Europe. As a result, many people died (passed away). Do you think it is your task to build trust as you created two great conflicts or Iran which in its history has never started any war in any parts of the world. Saddam Hosein in the war against Iran used chemical weapons against Iranian citizens, troups, his own troups and people. Two hundred and fifty European and American companies for that matter provided these weapons. The commanders of the Iranian war affairs visited the late Imam Khomeini. In that meeting, they asked the permission of Imam to the same to use chemical weapons as a deterence to prevent Saddam. So are we supposed to build confidence to you or are you? Keeping in mind that you used atomic weapons in Hiroshima and Nakazaki. These are very logical words which is said by the Islamic Republic of Iran and they can be easily defended in international organizations. Do you see Taliban or Al-Qaeda in such words? This is the Islamic Republic’s discourse which seeks justice. It is consistent with the international diplomacy. This will be the legacy of the ninth administration in foreign policy. We talked about the relations with the developing states, the Western states and China. Our relations with Europe is a historic relationship. It is traditional and long relationship. Many Iranian industries and many of the infrustructural parts of Iran’s economy have been linked to the Western states. Compare to the rest of the world, we have greatly held many roundtables and conferences on different issues such as cultural, economic and political matters with Europeans. Many of our tecknocrats have trained and educated in the West. As my appreciate, in the West, Iran is regarded as an ancient country.They respect Iranian culture and Persian civilization. Also, we have a lot of economic collaberation with European countries. On the whole, the West regards Iran as a reliable and significant partner in the economic domain but we are hoping that such a look translate and carry into the political domain. As a result, we will have both the most constructive cooperations and the most effective discourses with the West. I will here state that Iran’s diplomacy is smart. It is based on reason, logic and justice. It is a cunstructive foreign policy. If such an appreciation exists and other parties have such an appreciation, we can cooperate very well.
Q: On constantly, there is a question in capital of Tehran. I want to ask you this question because many students ask this question: Should not a country like ours with large population, national resources, economic standing and the rate of the population growth focus on a foreign policy that facilitates our economic growth? And is it true and logical that a national foreign policy overshadow the efforts that can be taken to strengthen the economic growth?